The "Culture Wars:" Notes From the Front For: Colloquium on Black Cultures and Race Relations Black Studies Department University of Nebraska at Omaha Omaha, NE May 10-12, 1999
By: Bruce E. Johansen Robert T. Reilly Professor of Communication and Native American Studies Coordinator, Native American Studies University of Nebraska at Omaha Telephone:  [402] 554-4851 (direct line) Fax: [402] 554-3836 [Communication Dept.] e-mail:  bruce_johansen@unomaha.edu	Drawing by John Fadden James Wilson, one of the contributors to the US Constitution, with a generic unity wampum belt in the back ground, plus "We The People".

     For a quarter century, I have been investigating ways in which Native American confederacies (principally the Iroquois League) helped to shape the theory and practice of democracy in America.  A pointed debate has developed along the way, especially during the last ten years, as debate over this issue has been folded into broader controversies vis a vis multicultural education.  I keep an annotated bibliography of ways in which the idea has been treated which totaled 1,160 items by April, 1999.  Two volumes of these annotations are available in print as library reference books.  (Johansen, 1996; Johansen, 1999)

     This paper examines the reactions of several conservatives with household names and large audiences who have linked the debate over the Iroquois and democracy with "Afrocentric" literature, especially Martin Bernal's Black Athena I will attempt to use these comments to raise questions about the critics' assumptions, all of which share a general theme: that conservative popular discourse on this subject is incredibly sloppy, a product of fear that European-centered perceptions of history and culture are losing their grip on the common values that we, as residents of Turtle Island (North America) are all expected to share.  Without such a common core of knowledge (taught in the English language), the critics have argued, the United States may crumble into a jumble of scattered, self-interested bands.  None of these commentators stop to ask the cost of ignorance of the large parts of our history that lack gender or racial qualifications for inclusion in the old-style European-derived "canon." Journey with me, please, as I pick my way through jungles of cliched confusion.

     Does multicultural education help us better understand each other through filters of race and culture?  I think so.  The idea that multicultural education contributes to a Balkanization? of the United States is a myth, similar to the myth that national solidarity is supported by speaking English ?only.?  Anyone who speaks a second or third languages is richer, culturally, than the same person speaking only one language.  Besides, if our vaunted freedoms mean everything, they mean it in languages other than English.  I find the cant that surrounds the debate over multiculturalism tainted with stubborn residues of racism.

     Let us begin our tour with a paragraph from Rush Limbaugh, who has made a good living spewing stereotypical tripe to audiences of millions.  He wrote, in The Way Things Ought to Be (1992), that "Multiculturalism is billed as a way to make Americans more sensitive to the diverse cultural backgrounds of people in this country."  (Limbaugh, 204)  Instead of seeing some value in the shared understanding that such education might bring, Limbaugh blasts it: "It's time we blew the whistle on that.  What is being taught under the guise of multiculturalism is worse than historical revisionism.  It's more than a distortion of facts.  It's the elimination of facts.  In some schools, kids are being taught that the ideas of the Constitution were borrowed from the Iroquois Indians and that Africans discovered America." (Limbaugh, 204)

     Limbaugh lavishes simplicity on his audience, ignoring all nuance of argument.  The possibility of ideological amalgamation (say, that the Iroquois played a role in shaping a system that also has many European roots) escapes him.   Similarly, Limbaugh discards the possibility that Africans may have
migrated to the Americas by infinitely expanding the contribution  ("Africans discovered America")  to make it sound absurd, a specialty of his rhetorical method.

     The best general retort I have seen to Limbaugh appeared in Native Americas, a national American Indian news magazine, written by its editor, Jose Barreiro:

     The next visit in our hall of rhetorical luminaries is with John Leo, long-time cultural commentator for the newsmagazine U. S. News and World Report. Leo reflected on Afrocentricism and Iroquois influence on democracy at least twice.  In his November 12, 1990 column, Leo assailed multiculturalism in school curricula, beginning with Afrocentric ideas, continuing with the Haudenosaunee curriculum in New York State.  Leo hews to the "party line" of the curriculum's opponents, who assert that the influence of the Iroquois on American statecraft is being included in various school curricula only to appease the Iroquois, not because it was a factual part of history.  "In Upstate New York, a Native American lobby demonstrated how a curriculum can now be altered by adroit special pleading.  After a visit by an Iroquois delegation to the state education department, the school curriculum was amended to say that the political system of the Iroquois Confederacy influenced the writing of the U.S. Constitution."  (Leo, 1990, 26) The source of the debate here is New York State's Curriculum of Inclusion, an attempt to revise teaching about minorities which had several components, including one dealing with black studies and another, written by several Iroquois authors, entitled: Haudenosaunee: Past, Present, Future.  This draft, which reached several hundred pages, contained suggestions of Iroquois influence on the development of democracy in the United States borrowed from work by my co-author Donald A. Grinde, Jr. and myself.  These assertions quickly elicited blasts of venom from several trenchant opponents of multicultural education.

     The meeting with New York State Education Department officials at which Iroquois "lobbyists" were said to have pressured the New York Education Department never occurred.  Mohawk John Kahionhes Fadden, one of the authors of Haudenosaunee: Past, Present, Future, wrote to me:

[begin extract]

For what it's worth on the debate issue...the idea for it was not the result of 'lobbying' by the Iroquois as some of the detractors have written.  The idea for the guide was brought up at a meeting at SED.  The meeting resulted from a letter-writing campaign directed toward inaccuracies in a specific field-test draft, Social Studies 7 & 8: United States and New York State History.  During that January 8, 1987 meeting the concept of a curriculum guide was suggested by Donald H. Bragaw, chief, Bureau of Social Studies Education, and was supported by Ed Lalor, director, Division of Program Planning.  The idea did not emanate from the Haudenosaunee 'lobbyists' who were there to address the draft mentioned above.

[end extract]

     Leo then writes: "The idea that the Founding Fathers borrowed from the Iroquois is a century-old myth.  No good evidence exists to support it.  But it is now official teaching in New York State. [It wasn't.  It was part of a curriculum under development that was never implemented]  To the surprise of very few, this decision shows that some school authorities, eager to avoid   minority-group pressure and rage, are now willing to treat the curriculum as a prize in an ethnic spoils system." (Leo, 1990, 26)  Leo's essay very concisely sums up the argument of many"influence thesis"opponents:  The idea is "fiction" or "a myth," and is being imposed on innocent
school children by a small group of somehow awesomely powerful, media-hungry
Iroquois who want to muscle this falsehood into "mainstream" history.  Leo gives no hint that a scholarly debate is going on here.  To suggest that the idea is even debatable (and not pure fiction, "myth," or "the silliest idea I've ever heard") would undermine the assumptions that fuel their arguments.     Leo returned to these themes in 1994, after which I was granted a rare
privilege in the national mass media: two column-inches (as a letter to the
editor) to refute Leo's two pages.  In a column titled "The Junking of History,"
leo assailed the beliefs of people he calls "Afrocentrists," as well as those
who deny the Jewish holocaust, calling all "pure assertion [with] a growing
contempt for the facts."  Leo includes in his laundry list of attempts to "transform facts into opinion..."  "the supposedly strong influence of Iroquois thought on the U.S. Constitution, now taught in many schools." (Leo, 1994, 17)     My reply to Leo was published in U.S. News & World Report, April 18, 1994."We have a genuine need to factor the accomplishments of non-white people into our history," I said.  By comparing advocates of Native American influence on
American ideas to the debunkers of the Jewish holocaust, I wrote that Leo "has
the debilitating problem for a social critic of not being able to tell
historical wheat from chaff." (Johansen, 1994, 9) Another example of the conservatives' "party line" was provided by Heather Mac Donald, in a collection of essays from the neo-conservative journal The New Criterion.  Mac Donald decries the Sobol Report ("The Curriculum of Inclusion")
in New York State as a product of racial (mainly black) politics, resulting in
the destruction of historical standards.  She simplifies the thrust of
ulticulturalism to a banal slogan: "Hey hey, ho, ho, western culture's gotta go!"  Along the way, she argues that if multiculturalists amass enough power, they might demand not just Iroquois but Egyptian influence on the U.S.Constitution.  This is an aside in a longer case against Martin Bernal's Black
Athena which invests no value in education, reducing everything multicultural to
a contest of power-driven wills between racial groups stoked by a fear that
everything European is about to be driven from historical study.     The syndicated columnist George Will, like John Leo, drew from this ideological well several times.  Newsweek, unlike U.S. News and World Report, never printed the replies I submitted.  After his third misinformed swipe at
multiculturalism, I wrote Will a tart personal note and attached it to a stack of research.  After that, his assault ended.     In terms similar to those used in two previous syndicated columns (in 1989
and 1991), Will lambasted new explorations in African and Native American
history under the title "Compassion on Campus" in 1993.  "Religious fundamentalists try to compel 'equal time' in school curricula for creationismand evolution.  But they are less of a threat than liberals trying to maintain 'fairness' for dotty ideas that make some 'victim groups' feel good -- ideas
such as that Greek Culture came from Black Africa [an allusion to Martin
Bernal's Black Athena], or that Iroquois ideas were important to the making of
the Constitution." (Will, 66)    Patrick Buchanan joined the fray about the same time as Will, as he used the same now-familiar fear appeals directed at multiculturalism during his 1992
presidential campaign.  "The cultural war is already raging in our public
schools," Buchanan wrote in the Atlanta Constitution (Buchanan, A-15)  "In
history texts, Benedict Arnold's treason at West Point has been dropped.  So has
the story of Nathan Hale, the boy patriot who spied on the British and went to
the gallows with the defiant cry, 'I regret that I have but one life to give for
my country.'  Elsewhere, they teach that our Constitution was plagiarized from
the Iroquois, and that Western science was stolen from sub-Sahara Africa."
(Buchanan, A-15)    What is a professor to do when he finds the subject of his Ph.D.
dissertation and subsequent research (but not its substance) used as campaign
fodder by a stump-preaching politician?  Patrick Buchanan is quoted in another
venue as saying: "When you see the idiocy that somehow the American Constitution
as a direct descendant of the Iroquois Confederation documents -- this is all
trash and nonsense.  The effort is to turn future Americans into people who
despise their own history and background..." (Mitchell, A-5)


Some classical liberals, adopting the fear appeals of Will, Leo, et al.,
cranked up the volume on the issue of multiculturalism as well.  The most
notable was Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., whose Disuniting of America (first
published in 1992, revised in 1998) made the now-familiar case that teaching
"minority" history would undermine the common heritage of the European-centered
"canon."
     The 1998 edition of Disuniting of America was largely a replating of the
1992 edition, with added sources and a denunciation of "monoculturalists" on the
right wing, to balance Schlesinger?s condemnation of "multiculuralists" on the
left.  Schlesinger displays no knowledge of what became of the New York
Curriculum of Inclusion (including its Native American component Haudenosaunee:
Past, Present, Future) during the six years since this book's initial
publication.   The Haudenosaunee curriculum was not adopted by New York public
schools.  Instead, the state education department ceded ownership of it to the
Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) Grand Council.  The curriculum, having been smothered
in the state education bureaucracy (at one point it was cut by more than half)
remains unpublished to this day.  Schlesinger, even in 1998, showed no awareness
of the considerable debate over assertions that the Iroquois helped shape the
character of democracy.  He chooses to remain ignorant of the published record
as well, preferring buzzwords to describe the idea, such as "feel-good" history,
which he believes to be a product of a "cult of multiculturalism," a brush with
which he also amply paints Afrocentric curricula.  Without engaging any of the
facts of Afrocentric education or the case for Iroquois influence on political
culture, these critics assume there is no factual case, and that feel-good
fiction is replacing "the facts."
     Mary Lefkowitz, a professor of classics at Wellesley College, is known in
the debate over Afrocentric education as the author of Not Out of Africa, a
critique of the idea.  She also tried her hand at taking down the idea that the
Iroquois helped shape democracy in a Wall Street Journal review of The Menace of
Multiculturalism (by Alvin J. Schmidt) and We Are All Multiculturalists Now, by
Nathan Glazer.  The review began: "Does the U.S. Constitution owe more to the
18th-century Iroquois than it does to the ancient Greeks? No, but many younger
people may answer yes, because it is what they have learned in school.  The
history that children learn is not necessarily a record of what actually
happened in the past; rather, it is often an account of what parents and
teachers believe they ought to know."   (Lefkowitz, A-16)  This introduction may
have led some readers to believe that Lefkowitz was borrowing Will, Leo's, and
Buchanan's assumption that the Iroquois made it all up to make themselves feel
good.  Later in the review, however, Lefkowitz acknowledges at least that the
Iroquois had a government, as she writes: "However impressive the governmental
organization of the Iroquois nation, the inspiration behind the Constitution may
once again be credited to the European Enlightenment, and the ancient Greeks."

(Lefkowitz, A-16)

     I replied to Lefkowitz in the letters column of the Wall Street Journal
April 10, 1997, asserting that giving credit to the Iroquois does not demean
classical Greek or English precedents for United States
basic law, but ?simply
add[s] an Iroquois role to the picture.?  He concludes: ?We can have our Greeks,
and our Iroquois, too.? (Johansen, A-15)  After our public exchange, we
exchanged e-mails.  I learned that she had become acquainted with the
Iroquois-and-democracy thesis in a commencement speech which Gloria Steinem gave
at Wellesley.
     One of the many ways in which modern liberalism is destroying U. S.
culture, according to neoconservative lawyer Robert Bork,  is "curriculum
changes to accommodate multiculturalist pressures." (Bork, 306).  "We have
already seen this in feminist and Afrocentric studies," writes Bork, "but it is
everywhere." (Bork,  306) Sounding so much like earlier assertions of this theme
that he borders on plagiarism of Will, Leo, and others, Bork hauls out the
notion that "In New York State it is official educational doctrine that the
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Multiculturalism (by Alvin J. Schmidt) and We Are All Multiculturalists Now, by
Nathan Glazer.  The review began: "Does the U.S. Constitution owe more to the
18th-century Iroquois than it does to the ancient Greeks? No, but many younger
people may answer yes, because it is what they have learned in school.  The
history that children learn is not necessarily a record of what actually
happened in the past; rather, it is often an account of what parents and
teachers believe they ought to know."   (Lefkowitz, A-16)  This introduction may
have led some readers to believe that Lefkowitz was borrowing Will, Leo's, and
Buchanan's assumption that the Iroquois made it all up to make themselves feel
good.  Later in the review, however, Lefkowitz acknowledges at least that the
Iroquois had a government, as she writes: "However impressive the governmental
organization of the Iroquois nation, the inspiration behind the Constitution may
once again be credited to the European Enlightenment, and the ancient Greeks."

(Lefkowitz, A-16)

     I replied to Lefkowitz in the letters column of the Wall Street Journal
April 10, 1997, asserting that giving credit to the Iroquois does not demean
classical Greek or English precedents for United States
basic law, but ?simply add[s] an Iroquois role to the picture.?  He concludes: ?We can have our Greeks, and our Iroquois, too.? (Johansen, A-15)  After our public exchange, we
exchanged e-mails.  I learned that she had become acquainted with the
Iroquois-and-democracy thesis in a commencement speech which Gloria Steinem gave
at Wellesley.

     One of the many ways in which modern liberalism is destroying U. S.
culture, according to neoconservative lawyer Robert Bork,  is "curriculum
changes to accommodate multiculturalist pressures." (Bork, 306).  "We have
already seen this in feminist and Afrocentric studies," writes Bork, "but it is
everywhere." (Bork,  306) Sounding so much like earlier assertions of this theme
that he borders on plagiarism of Will, Leo, and others, Bork hauls out the
notion that "In New York State it is official educational doctrine that the
United States Constitution was heavily influenced by the political arrangements
of the Iroquois Confederacy." (Bork, 306)  Bork strains to find a word that
expresses the type of "political arrangement" maintained by the Iroquois.   Bork
also ignores the lively debate which has grown up over the issue as he
pontificates: "The official promulgation of this idea was not due to any
research that disclosed its truth,"  but because "the Iroquois had an intensive
lobbying campaign."  Bork rests his case on assertions that agree with him by
John Leo, in his polemic Two Steps Ahead of the Thought Police (1994) and Arthur
Schlesinger, Jr.'s Disuniting of America .  There you have it in the book of
Bork: there has been no research on the subject, so why look for any?  Why not
trust a vaunted legal mind, a man who was once nominated to sit on the U.S.
Supreme Court?

     It is worth reminding ourselves at this point that most cultural
amalgamations are mixtures, and that no culture remakes itself in the image of
another overnight.  This may be easy to forget because the arguments over
multiculturalism often seem to be presented without nuance, in stark shades of
black and white: the Constitution derived from the Iroquois or from "our English
heritage;" African thought swallowed the Greeks, or had no influence whatsoever.
Nicholas Davidson provides an example of this absolutism in the National Review
as he asks "Was Socrates a Plagiarist?"  This piece is mainly a critique of
Afrocentric education, but it begins: "Shakespeare and Locke are non-gratae at
Stanford; New York schoolchildren learn that the Iroquois were the real source
of the Constitution.  Multiculturalism is on the march." (Davidson, 45)

     The debate over multiculturalism has popped up in French newspapers.  In Le
Monde, Henri Pierre describes debates over multicultural history in the United
States, particularly Afrocentric ideas that are being used in various school
districts.  He also briefly describes the debate in the New York State of
Department of Education guide Haudenosaunee: Past, Present, Future that Iroquois
precedent helped shape the origins of democracy in the United States.  "La tache
n'est pas facile," he writes.  "Etant donnee l'importance de la pression des
groupes ethniques....inclure cette affirmation que le systeme politique des
Iroquois a influence... redaction de la Constitution des Etats-Unis." (Pierre)
     The debate over multiculturalism in the United States also has been aired
occasionally in the British press.  In this review of Schlesinger's Disuniting
of America, Ambrose Evans-Pritchard, writing in the London Daily Telegraph,
comes out in defense of DWEMs -- Dead, White, European Males -- whom he says are
suffering at the hands of "the American race-relations industry, [which is]
amply subsidized by the public purse."  "Education in America is becoming a form
of therapy," he writes.  "Black school children in Portland, Oregon, are taught
that Africans discovered America.  In New York, the curriculum guide for
11th-grade history tells students that the Haudenosaunee political system of the
Iroquois Indians was the inspiration for the American constitution..."
(Evans-Pritchard, 15)  As has been pointed out elsewhere, the proposed
curriculum over which Schlesinger and this writer are gnashing their teeth was
drafted by Iroquois writers, but not implemented by the state.  Such nuances
seem to have escaped nearly all conservative critics in their unrelenting
pursuit of a political-correctness horror story.  They accuse the Iroquois of
fomenting historical fiction as they invent some history of their own.  This is
a wee bit Orwellian of them, if I may borrow from our English heritage.

     Having visited some of the more genial neighborhoods in our ideological
Anglo-American "City on a Hill," let us cross the "tracks" into the rougher
sections of town, where argument drowns in racist cant to which the genial folks
Uptown would rather not lay claim.  Richard Grenier's column in The Washington
Times supplies an illustration.

     Grenier, a regular columnist for the Times, spars with notions of
multicultural education, including: "African-Americans' claim that Queen
Nefertiti of ancient Egypt was black.  Iroquois Indians have induced New York
State education officials to include in their 11th-grade syllabus the dogmatic
assertion that the Iroquois Confederacy was a major influence on the U.S.
Constitution."  (Grenier, F-3)  He labels such assertions "unfactual," and
"racist."  If the Iroquois can claim to have influenced the Constitution, then
people of Mongolian descent have the right to insist that Genghis Khan also
shaped it.  (Grenier, F-3)

     Into the debate, like a bull with an attitude problem, lumbers columnist
Charley Reese of the Orlando Sentinel, who says that ideas such as Iroquois
influence on democracy lay a claim on gullible Americans because they don't know
their own history.  His version of history is simple: "All the institutions of
American government are derived from our European culture.  None comes from
Africa or Asia or American Indians."  Reese calls "ignorant" assertions that
"our forefathers derived the idea of the U.S. Constitution from the Iroquois
Confederation."  Reese is just getting warmed up.  "It's not even worthy of
comment, except to point out that only a person 100 per cent ignorant of
American and European history could make such a dumb statement."  Before leaving
the scene, our bull leaves a 24-carat lump of racist cant at the door: "The
superbly educated authors of the American Revolution had nothing to learn from a
primitive tribal alliance." (Reese, A-8, emphasis added)

     In the National Review, Jonathan Foreman bemoans his belief that ?Baby
Boomers? have infected Hollywood movies with liberal values based on their
?generational experience? in the 1960s.  Collectively, Foreman argues, these
?Boomers? are shaping the media with their ?delusions.?  He moans, by way of
letting his conservative audience know just how stupid the ?Boomers
can be,
that ?We live in a society where some students are taught that the United States
Constitution was inspired by the Iroquois, that the Greeks stole science from
Africans, and that the Aztecs were sweeties who didn?t really eat people like
popcorn.?  (Foreman).

     Those who have crossed these ideological tracks in search of a real
intellectual rumble should examine The Menace of Multiculturalism, authored by
Alvin J. Schmidt.  Schmidt, a professor of sociology at Illinois College,
Jacksonville, is an opponent of multiculturalism who takes no prisoners.
Schmidt's argumentation brings to mind the business end of a crowbar.  At the
beginning of a chapter titled "The Facts Be Damned," he lists a number of facts
that he says multiculturalists have "invented." One of these is that "the
Constitution of the United States was shaped by the Iroquois Indians."
(Schmidt, 43-44).  He also denies the well-known fact that Crispus Attucks, the
first casualty of the Boston Massacre (1770), was black (Attucks' father was
Afro-American.  His mother was Native American.)
     Schmidt would rather history stress the cruel and violent aspects of Native
American cultures, which he says squishy-soft multiculturalists downplay.  Later
in the book, he argues that American Indian cultures were environmentally
destructive and that women in native societies lived in virtual slavery.
:Later, Schmidt returns to the "influence" issue, calling it a fabrication.   He
also asserts that multiculturalists exaggerate the role of Iroquois women.
Elsewhere, borrowing from George Will, Schmidt calls the Iroquois influence idea
"historical fiction."  (Schmidt, 52-53)

     Eventually, in the rougher parts on this side of the intellectual tracks,
the rhetoric gets really dirty, and clearly personal, with an ironic twist: none
of my assailants know my name, nor what I do for a living.  Dinesh D'Souza, a
research fellow at the American Enterprise Institute, used a cover story in the
business journal Forbes (under the title "Visigoths in Tweed)," to target "a new
barbarism -- dogmatic, intolerant, and oppressive" that he says has "descended
on America's institutions of higher learning...a neo-Marxist ideology promoted
in the name of multiculturalism."  He quotes William King, president of the
Black Student Union at Stanford University, who cited a number of items of
multicultural history before that school's Faculty Senate, including  "that the
Iroquois Indians in America had a representative democracy which served as a
model for the American system." (D'Souza, 81)
     D'Souza has just labeled me a "Visigoth in Tweed," a barbarian, an
oppressor, a dogmatist, as well as a "neo-Marxist," without realizing that a
debate is being engaged here.  He has made himself an expert on the subject
matter without giving evidence of having read any of the literature, an
affliction he shares with most of the subjects of this essay.  Don Grinde and I
should not take all of this personally.  I have not yet decided much I would
pay, for example, to see the looks on the faces of Limbaugh, D'Souza, et al.
when they discover (if they ever do) that one of the main instigators behind
?this Iroquois-Constitution nonsense? is a middle-aged Norwegian-American from
Omaha, Nebraska who spends most of his average working day teaching
undergraduates how to use the English language.  Given what I have heard them
say, such a notion could jam their mental radar.  None of the authors cited
above give any evidence of having read any of our books, nor those of Martin
Bernal.  It is a sad day in public discourse when one realizes by close
association with an arguable issue that large audiences are being regularly
informed on an intellectual level which approximates cocktail-party chitchat,
doled out to audiences of millions in measured, authoritative-sounding tones
which reinforce existing prejudices.  These voices tell us that multicultural
voices are "dumbing down" our collective historical memory.  Really, these
voices are "wising up," in the sense that they provide everyone with a more
complete knowledge of our shared past, and present.

REFERENCES


Barreiro, Jose.  "Bigotshtick: Rush Limbaugh on Indians."  Native Americas,
Fall, 1995, pp. 40-43.

Bork, Robert H.  Slouching Toward  Gomorrah: Modern Liberalism and American

Decline. San Francisco: ReganBooks/ HarperCollins, 1996.

Buchanan, Patrick J.  "America's Cultural War."  Atlanta Constitution, September
15, 1992, p. A-15.  See also: Patrick Buchanan.  "Yes, a Cultural War is
Raging...."  St. Louis Post-Dispatch, September 13, 1992, p. 3-B.

Davidson, Nicholas.  "Was Socrates a Plagiarist?"  National Review 43:3(Feb. 25,
1991), p. 45.

D'Souza, Dinesh.  "The Visigoths in Tweed."  Forbes, April 1, 1991.

Evans-Pritchard, Ambrose.  "Down with DWEMs -- America's New Apartheid."   The

Daily Telegraph [London], August 30, 1992, Books, p. 15.

Foreman, Jonathan.  ?Film I: Big Bad Brits (and Other Myths).? National Review,
April 20, 1998.

Grenier, Richard.  "Historic Identity Crises."  Washington Times, March 27,
1990, p. F-3.

Grinde, Donald A., Jr.  The Iroquois and the Founding of the American Nation.

San Francisco: Indian Historian Press, 1977.

Grinde, Donald A., Jr. and Bruce E. Johansen.  Exemplar of Liberty: Native
America and the Evolution of Democracy.  Los Angeles: UCLA American Indian
Studies Center, 1991.

Johansen, Bruce E.  Forgotten Founders: Benjamin Franklin, the Iroquois, and the
Rationale for the American Revolution.  Ipswich, Mass.: Gambit, 1982.

Johansen, Bruce E.  ?The Iroquois: Present at the Birth.?  Wall Street Journal
[Letter to the editor], April 10, 1997, p. A-15.


Johansen, Bruce E., comp.  Native American Political Systems and the Evolution
of Democracy: An Annotated Bibliography.  Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press,
1996.

Johansen, Bruce E., comp.  Native America and the Development of Democracy: A
Supplemental Annotated Bibliography.  Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1999.


Lefkowitz, Mary.  "Out of Many, More Than One."  Wall Street Journal, March 24,
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